October 3, 2022
Structural approach to ethnicity solves problem \((1)\): helps to understand where these come from…
Structural approach to ethnicity solves problem \((2)\): how can ethnicity be “socially constructed”, yet hard to change?
Wimmer (2008) identifies several dimensions of ethnic boundaries
institutional use: the use of ethnic/racial categories by formal institutions to label people (not necessarily in a discriminatory manner)
institutional separation: the presence of distinct formal institutions for people labelled as members of different ethnic/racial categories (not necessarily unequal)
power disparity: the use of ethnic/racial categories to discriminate in access to goods, services, rights, recognition (e.g. in institutional use, institutional separation, social closure) that enhances/restricts the life choices
‘legal’ examples: property rights, marriage/inheritance, education, government jobs, government services, elected representation, criminal law, affirmative action
market: housing discrimination, job discrimination, restricting spaces (e.g. private clubs, gated communities)
interpersonal: employer/employee relations; customer/client relations; formal/informal modes of address; non-reciprocity in forms of interaction; status hierarchy
social closure: the use of ethnic/racial categories to separate or organize personal/informal interactions between people (not necessarily unequal)
cultural differentiation: the use of ethnic/racial categories to differentiate cultural practices (food, clothing, traditions), language, and religious belief.
Note: Sometimes cultural difference is used to define category membership. Sometimes cultural difference is a way to use categories:
examples: choice of alphabet/orthography; changing vocabulary (Hindustani vs Urdu vs Hindi)
marking: using category labels for some groups as distinct from a “reference” or “unmarked” category that is the unspoken default (e.g. in Canada, “white” is often an unspoken default)
groupness: using category labels to proclaim or invoke the existence and unity of a group (parades, mass performances, history, education, assigning blame)
explain behavior: using ethnic/racial category labels to explain behavior or outcomes (basically, stereotyping)
exemption: use of ethnic/racial categories to claim or identify exemption (stereotypes by “exception proves the rule”):
behavioral scripts: use of racial/ethnic categories to differentiate the “proper” or “default” way of interacting with a person
Wimmer argues that altering ethnic boundary practices (structures) depends on:
Ancestral City Identity
Pre-Colonial Origins:
Ancestral City Identity
Competing identities
at end of 19th century…
At turn of the 20th century…
Oyo political power had disappeared
War refugees settled outside ancestral cities
Political mobilization of Yoruba as a group
Most Yoruba are Christian (40%) or Muslim (40%)
By late 20th century…
What might explain the persistence of ancestral cities as both a operative ethnic category and as the activated ethnic identity?
British Colonial State intervened, using a system of indirect rule:
Power of British Colonial State/ Existing political networks in Nigeria
“available” schema of ancestral cities \(\to\) institutional use
“available” schema of ancestral cities \(\to\) institutional use
Institutional role of Oyo \(\to\) Power
institutional use and power disparity \(\to\) strategic activation of ancestral identity
institutional use and power disparity \(\to\) psychological salience of identity
The colonial state changes not just resources, but schemas: cognitive boundary practices (groupness, stereotypes, practices to sustain them)
Local institutions \(\to\) colonial thought \(\to\) power/institutions \(\to\) local thought
Transformations in ethnic structures can shape the operative and activated ethnic categories.